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Science

Science and "One Country, Two Systems"

John Charles Polanyi

Published Aug 15, 1997• 2 citations
Publisher

Abstract

On 1 July 1997, following the handover to China, Hong Kong entered the era of “one country, two systems.” An imaginative group in Hong Kong thought that scientists might have something relevant to say. The notion was not entirely fanciful. Scientists live with dualities—and struggle against them. Probably one of the most revolutionary innovations in science during this century was the recognition of the duality of matter; that is, in some aspects of its behavior matter is best described as a particle, and in other aspects as a wave. This revolution in scientific thought took place almost three-quarters of a century ago. By now most scientists have come to accept it. But, happily for science, there are still some who are convinced that they can uncover a deeper level of truth in which the coexisting systems of thought will be replaced by a unified view. Those who resist this revolution in science are not regarded as a threat. They are not branded as counterrevolutionary. There is a good reason for this. Stated simply, it is that if change marks a step forward on, say, 1 July 1997, then change can once again represent progress at some future date. The concept of “one matter, two descriptions” introduced in the 1920s represented a major advance. But it constitutes no more than a step along the path toward greater understanding. The door remains open to further discoveries. Politics, which addresses the complex problem of reconciling human aspirations, is also a process of discovery. Under democracy, each new orthodoxy has its opportunity to persuade the people and, later, to be modified by them. There are, it should be recognized, many forms of democratic organization. Science constitutes one. It is a subtle structure in which, without formal elections, the dominant views establish themselves in forums organized to give a hearing to dissent. These views prevail because of their power to persuade, and not because of the power of those who hold them. Every issue of a scientific journal, every scientific conference, and every informal meeting between scientists is devoted to testing current orthodoxy in order to see whether it can be improved. Science is a stumbling progress toward change. But it is not enough to say that science is open to change; it is necessary to work to ensure it. In science, as in politics, those in authority have an interest in the current orthodoxy. Left to themselves, it is altogether conceivable that the scientific leadership, like the political leadership, might place obstacles in the path of change. The democratic structure in science prevents this. As scientists we are required to defend our views in public. There are many ways of structuring a democratic system, but there is no way of sustaining one without vigilance to ensure that minority views are heard. Not only does the color of a cat not determine its ability to catch mice, as Deng Xiaoping famously remarked, neither does its politics. Views must be heard in order to be judged. There is an area of endeavor in which agreement exists as to the need for intellectual freedom. I am thinking of commerce, in which the guiding principle is the “free market.” The market clearly embodies democracy. The individual with an idea is free to interest others in it. Those in favor vote by way of a ballot box called a cash register. The virtue of the system is that it harnesses individual imagination by permitting dissent (called competition), thus leaving the way open to change. To the outside observer, science presents the same scene of waste as does commerce. But having wrong ideas, as we often do, is a necessary part of the process of having right ones. Science, like commerce, is an organic process in which the interaction of the parts must be permitted to produce unpredictable outcomes. If science, or commerce, or politics, is to flourish, we must build into them sufficient freedom that they can surprise us. As scientists we share the belief that freedom of thought and expression are vital to achieving new insights. “One country, two systems” is a slogan we can embrace if it becomes an invitation to openness and tolerance.

DOI
10.1126/science.277.5328.881

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On 1 July 1997, following the handover to China, Hong Kong entered the era of “one country, two systems.” An imaginative group in Hong Kong thought that scientists might have something relevant to say. The notion was not entirely fanciful. Scientists live with dualities—and struggle against them.
Probably one of the most revolutionary innovations in science during this century was the recognition of the duality of matter; that is, in some aspects of its behavior matter is best described as a particle, and in other aspects as a wave. This revolution in scientific thought took place almost three-quarters of a century ago. By now most scientists have come to accept it. But, happily for science, there are still some who are convinced that they can uncover a deeper level of truth in which the coexisting systems of thought will be replaced by a unified view.
Those who resist this revolution in science are not regarded as a threat. They are not branded as counterrevolutionary. There is a good reason for this. Stated simply, it is that if change marks a step forward on, say, 1 July 1997, then change can once again represent progress at some future date.
The concept of “one matter, two descriptions” introduced in the 1920s represented a major advance. But it constitutes no more than a step along the path toward greater understanding. The door remains open to further discoveries.
Politics, which addresses the complex problem of reconciling human aspirations, is also a process of discovery. Under democracy, each new orthodoxy has its opportunity to persuade the people and, later, to be modified by them.
There are, it should be recognized, many forms of democratic organization. Science constitutes one. It is a subtle structure in which, without formal elections, the dominant views establish themselves in forums organized to give a hearing to dissent. These views prevail because of their power to persuade, and not because of the power of those who hold them.
Every issue of a scientific journal, every scientific conference, and every informal meeting between scientists is devoted to testing current orthodoxy in order to see whether it can be improved. Science is a stumbling progress toward change.
But it is not enough to say that science is open to change; it is necessary to work to ensure it. In science, as in politics, those in authority have an interest in the current orthodoxy. Left to themselves, it is altogether conceivable that the scientific leadership, like the political leadership, might place obstacles in the path of change.
The democratic structure in science prevents this. As scientists we are required to defend our views in public. There are many ways of structuring a democratic system, but there is no way of sustaining one without vigilance to ensure that minority views are heard. Not only does the color of a cat not determine its ability to catch mice, as Deng Xiaoping famously remarked, neither does its politics. Views must be heard in order to be judged.
There is an area of endeavor in which agreement exists as to the need for intellectual freedom. I am thinking of commerce, in which the guiding principle is the “free market.”
The market clearly embodies democracy. The individual with an idea is free to interest others in it. Those in favor vote by way of a ballot box called a cash register. The virtue of the system is that it harnesses individual imagination by permitting dissent (called competition), thus leaving the way open to change.
To the outside observer, science presents the same scene of waste as does commerce. But having wrong ideas, as we often do, is a necessary part of the process of having right ones. Science, like commerce, is an organic process in which the interaction of the parts must be permitted to produce unpredictable outcomes. If science, or commerce, or politics, is to flourish, we must build into them sufficient freedom that they can surprise us.
As scientists we share the belief that freedom of thought and expression are vital to achieving new insights. “One country, two systems” is a slogan we can embrace if it becomes an invitation to openness and tolerance.
Our central proposal in the book is that general quantum-like principles guide life in totality. By totality, we mean both physical and psychological lives. Our philosophical stance is inclined towards dual-aspect monism, with a psycho-physical neutral reality underlying. However, we observe that such reality cannot be directly represented, or even conceived; only its contextual aspects can be observed. Also, the relation between such contextual aspects (simply put, mind and body) can be complex and multi-layered. We also maintain that quantum-like principles need to be conceived in the atmosphere of complex adaptive systems (CAS), and we turn to this open area of study in the sections below. We observe that in the last decade, there has been a surge of interest in quantum-like framework (QLF) in domains of political science, particularly in international relations (Der Derian and Wendt, 2020 , 2022 ). Scholars observe that Newtonian realism has to be overcome in the social sciences. It is surprising that multiple social sciences, particularly economics, are still visibly influenced by neoclassical realism, where the latter can almost be conceived as applied classical physics. The history of such a neoclassical approach to economic science is complex. Even though Newtonian-Hamiltonian formalism has always influenced equilibrium modelling in economics, some early founders of microeconomics, for example Alfred Marshall ( Cory Jr, 2022 ), thought that biology should be the central motivation for understanding economic life. We have already discussed the bio-cosmology view, which challenges the ergodic hypothesis of classical thermodynamics. In economics, 1 we find many features which are quantum-like and complex-adaptive.
At the close of the nineteenth century, we stood on the threshold of one of the greatest periods of science, in which the entire world and understanding of science would be shaken to the core and greatly modified. This explosion of knowledge led ultimately to that same information revolution that we live in today. Planck and Einstein showed that light was not continuous but made of small corpuscles that today we call photons. Einstein changed the understanding of mechanics with his theory of relativity: airplanes became conceivable; radio and television blossomed; and the microelectronics industry, which drives most of modern technology, came into being. New areas of science were greatly expanded and developed, and one of these was quantum mechanics, which is the story to be told here. Yet, the development of quantum mechanics and the leadership of Niels Bohr have distorted the understanding of quantum mechanics in a strange way. There are some who would say that Bohr set back the real understanding of quantum mechanics by half a century. I believe they underestimate his role, and it may be something more like a full century. Whether we call it the Copenhagen interpretation, or the Copenhagen orthodoxy, it is the how for the continuing mysticism provided by Mach that is still remaining in quantum mechanics. It is not the why. Why it perseveres and why it was forced on the field in the first place is an important perception to be studied. In this book, I want to trace the development of quantum mechanics and try to uncover the why.
The founding fathers of quantum mechanics had already perceived the essence of the difficulties of quantum mechanics; today, after almost a century, the discussions are still lively and, if some very interesting new aspects have emerged, at a deeper level the questions have not changed so much. What is more recent, nevertheless, is a general change of attitude among physicists: until about 1970 or 1980, most physicists thought that the essential questions had been settled, and that “Bohr was right and proved his opponents to be wrong”. This was probably a consequence of the famous discussions between Bohr, Einstein, Schrödinger, Heisenberg, Pauli, de Broglie, and others (in particular at the Solvay meetings [1–3], where Bohr's point of view had successfully resisted Einstein's extremely clever attacks). The majority of physicists did not know the details of the arguments. They nevertheless thought that the standard “Copenhagen interpretation” had clearly emerged from the infancy of quantum mechanics as the only sensible attitude for good scientists. This interpretation includes the idea that modern physics must contain indeterminacy as an essential ingredient: it is fundamentally impossible to predict the outcome of single microscopical events; it is impossible to go beyond the formalism of the wave function (or its generalization, the state vector ∣ψ) and complete it.
… I think I can safely say that nobody understands quantum mechanics. Richard Feynman Science and experiment Science is a special kind of explanation of the things we see around us. It starts with a problem and curiosity. Something strikes the scientist as odd. It doesn't fit in with the usual explanation. Maybe harder thinking or more careful observation will resolve the problem. If it remains a puzzle, it stimulates the scientist's imagination. Perhaps a completely new way of looking at things is needed? Scientists are perpetually trying to find better explanations – better in the sense that any new explanation must not only explain the new puzzle, but also be consistent with all of the previous explanations that still work well. The hallmark of any scientific explanation or ‘theory’ is that it must be able to make successful predictions. In other words, any decent theory must be able to say what will happen in any given set of circumstances. Thus, any new theory will only become generally accepted by the scientific community if it is able not only to explain the observations that scientists have already made, but also to foretell the results of new, as yet unperformed, experiments. This rigorous testing of new scientific ideas is the key feature that distinguishes science from other fields of intellectual endeavour -such as history or even economics – or from a pseudoscience such as astrology.
‘God’, said Albert Einstein, ‘does not play dice’. This famous remark by the author of the theory of relativity was not intended as an analysis of the recreational habits of a supreme being but expressed his reaction to the new scientific ideas, developed in the first quarter of the twentieth century, which are now known as quantum physics. Before we can fully appreciate why one of the greatest scientists of modern times should have been led to make such a comment, we must first try to understand the context of scientific and philosophical thought that had become established by the end of the nineteenth century and what it was about the ‘new physics’ that presented such a radical challenge to this consensus. What is often thought of as the modern scientific age began in the sixteenth century, when Nicholas Copernicus proposed that the motion of the stars and planets should be described on the assumption that it is the sun, rather than the earth, which is the centre of the solar system. The opposition, not to say persecution, that this idea encountered from the establishment of that time is well known, but this was unable to prevent a revolution in thinking whose influence has continued to the present day. From that time on, the accepted test of scientific truth has increasingly been observation and experiment rather than religious or philosophical dogma.
‘God’, said Albert Einstein, ‘does not play dice’. This famous remark by the author of the theory of relativity was not intended as an analysis of the recreational habits of a supreme being but expressed his reaction to the new scientific ideas, developed in the first quarter of the twentieth century, which are now known as quantum physics. Before we can fully appreciate why one of the greatest scientists of modern times should have been led to make such a comment, we must first try to understand the context of scientific and philosophical thought that had become established by the end of the nineteenth century and what it was about the ‘new physics’ that presented such a radical challenge to this consensus. What is often thought of as the modern scientific age began in the sixteenth century, when Nicholas Copernicus proposed that the motion of the stars and planets should be described on the assumption that it is the sun, rather than the earth, which is the centre of the solar system. The opposition, not to say persecution, that this idea encountered from much of the establishment of that time is well known, but this was unable to prevent a revolution in thinking whose influence has continued to the present day. From that time on, the accepted test of scientific truth has increasingly been observation and experiment rather than religious or philosophical dogma.